Indian Nullification of the Unconstitutional Laws of Massachusetts Relative to the Marshpee Tribe Or, the Pretended Riot Explained
Edition facts
William Apess opens Indian Nullification with a formal address 'To the White People of Massachusetts,' signed by three Mashpee selectmen—Israel Amos, Isaac Coombs, and Ezra Attaquin—who vouch for Apess as 'a devout Christian, of sound mind, of firm purpose.' This prefatory endorsement immediately establishes the work as a collaborative tribal document, not a solitary author's plea. The structure then alternates between Apess's first-person account, reprinted newspaper articles (such as the Boston Courier's hostile report of January 28, 1834), and official correspondence, creating a layered evidentiary record. Recurring images of physical and legal 'fetters'—the limb 'disjointed and bleeding' that must be 'united to the body politic'—underscore the argument that Massachusetts's guardianship laws are a form of bondage, not protection.
A Document of Collective Testimony
The book's opening pages foreground multiple voices: the selectmen's letter, a supporting statement from Daniel Amos, and Apess's own preface. This polyvocal structure is not merely rhetorical; it mirrors the tribal council's decision-making process. The selectmen's declaration that 'White men are the only persons who have imposed on us' directly counters the accusation that Apess is an 'impostor' stirring unrest. By embedding these endorsements before his own narrative, Apess frames the ensuing text as a communal rebuttal rather than a personal defense. The repeated use of 'we' in the selectmen's address—'We send this forth to the world in love and friendship'—establishes a collective authorship that blurs the line between individual memoir and official tribal statement.
Newspaper Reprints as Counter-Evidence
Apess strategically reprints hostile newspaper accounts, such as the Boston Courier's description of a 'pretended riot,' then dissects their language. The Courier calls the Mashpee 'deluded people' in a 'state of open rebellion,' having 'seized upon the Meeting-house' and 'chosen officers of their own.' By juxtaposing this with the tribe's own resolutions—declaring they 'would not permit any white man… to come upon their Plantation to cut or carry off any wood'—Apess exposes the gap between official alarm and the tribe's lawful assertion of property rights. The structure of the book thus becomes a courtroom-like presentation of evidence, where the reader must weigh the Courier's language of 'outrage' against the tribe's measured list of grievances.
The Image of Severed Limbs and Broken Fetters
Apess employs a recurring metaphor of bodily injury and restoration. He describes the Mashpee as 'a limb, which is now disjointed and bleeding,' awaiting reattachment to 'the body politic.' This image recurs in his call for 'every fetter to be broken' so that 'his soul made glad.' The language is both legal and visceral: the 'limb' is the tribe's severed legal status, the 'fetters' are the overseer laws that deny them property rights. By casting the conflict as a wound needing healing rather than a rebellion needing punishment, Apess reframes the 'riot' as a symptom of an unjust system. The metaphor also subtly invokes Christian redemption, aligning with his identity as 'a preacher of the gospel.'
Movement Between Local and Legislative Arenas
The narrative shifts repeatedly between the Mashpee plantation in Barnstable County and the Massachusetts State House. Apess describes the tribe's petition to the Legislature, the appointment of a 'discreet and confidential agent' by the Executive, and the eventual hope that 'a more independent House of Representatives' will 'abolish a needless and unjust protectorate.' This geographic and institutional movement mirrors the tribe's strategy: they appeal simultaneously to local white allies (like Daniel Amos, who testifies to their 'grievous oppression') and to the distant legislature. The book itself enacts this oscillation, moving from the council house in Marshpee to the Boston newspapers to the halls of government, demonstrating that the tribe's fight is waged on multiple fronts.
Readers should attend to how Apess uses the book's structure—alternating testimony, reprint, and direct address—to construct a legal brief in narrative form. The work is not a chronological history but a strategic arrangement of evidence designed to persuade. Pay particular attention to the way Apess handles the word 'nullification,' a term loaded with states' rights controversy in the 1830s, and how he repurposes it for Indigenous sovereignty. The excerpts provided do not reveal the outcome of the tribe's petition, but the book's method—collective, documentary, and rhetorically layered—remains its most enduring feature.